Modernity in Spain and Latin America

Modernity in Spain and Latin America History of Latin America II (Revolution Dictatorship) Why has it been so difficult to establish democratic political institutions in Latin America? Introduction Throughout history, Latin America has struggled with repeated clashes between politicians and citizens. The problems caused by these periods in these nations history are still felt today and in order to understand the reasons as to why it has been so difficult to establish democratic political institutions in these countries, we must investigate distinct periods in their histories that have shaped the countries into what they are today. Many of the countries in Latin America experienced their post-independence periods around the same time, with the majority of countries experiencing their Early Nation Period between 1825 and 1850. These periods can be characterised by the struggles for independence and constant civil war and unrest as class systems operated in the countries and so political independence meant different things for different classes[1]. Because of this system and their vastly different needs that were to be met by governments, any attempts to unite the many sides and create democratic political institutions that represent the whole of society were, and are still, met with strong opposition. However, it is to be noted that not all of the problems in the country were as a result of government opposition: many of the problems arose due to the countries being so vast and infrastructure being so poor, meaning it was hard to communicate with, and so govern, the people living outside of the main cities[2]. The majority of these people were indigenous and did not speak Spanish[3] and this added to the issues: if the people could not understand what they were hearing from the government, and not respond to this because of a language barrier, no democratic system would represent their views, no matter how hard it tried. For these marginalised groups, it did not matter which group of creole elite were in power this time, it was simply another political party who did not understand their views in order to represent them.[4] For ease of illustration, we shall look more closely at two specific countries and two different but defining periods in their histories. Mexico Focussing firstly on Mexico; Mexicos Early National Period spanned from 1821 to 1876[5]. During this period, it was clear each region had strong affinities with their own area and so from the outset the political parties who formed the apparent systems of democratic government had to not only convince the people that they were the best party to be in power, but also, and arguably more importantly, that they should replace their ties with the caudillo[6] who ruled their area with an affinity to the country-wide leader who, for many, was nothing more than a name. This problem of the peoples reluctance to embrace a democratic political system for the whole of Mexico was exacerbated by the fact the caudillos were strongly averse to such a big change: these leaders had ruled their area for over a decade and were not going to submit to a national governing system easily. Indeed, such a system was entirely antithetical to the interests of the caudillos who would inevitably suffer in these systems[7]. Thus, they led coups and revolts of their people against the government and since domineering caudillos ruled the people, if the caudillo did not agree with the new system of government, then the people should submit to the views of the caudillo and not agree with the new system of government either[8]. During this time, not only was Mexico attempting to create a democratic political system amidst unrest from its own citizens, but Spain attempted to reconquer Mexico (1829), France blocked their Atlantic coast (1838-41) and the United States seized half of Mexicos land (1846-49). Great Britain also seized the Falkland Islands as Las Malvinas in 1833. Clearly, then, this unstable political environment did not encourage people to embrace the haphazard attempts at creating democratic political institutions in Mexicos Early National Period. Uprisings inspired by caudillos, language barriers preventing understanding and poor infrastructure preventing communication all contributed to the difficulties of the time. It is clear to see that Mexicos early attempts to create democratic political institutions were thwarted by international attempt to reconquer the country and by internal attempts to overthrow new governments by caudillos and their supporters. The people felt alienated and isolated from central government, and so when their caudillo whom they knew and with whom they could communicate told them what to do, they understood his rules and followed those rather than follow rules made by the government who did not represent them. Bolivia Moving on to investigate a different time in Bolivia. The causes of the difficulties in establishing democratic political institutions in more recent times in Bolivia were less intra-national and more international, due to countries becoming more reliant on international trade and the world economy. Thus, when this crashed in the 1970s the relatively new democratic governments could not withstand the pressure and the countries reverted to past authoritarian ways.[9] One school of thought reasons that this was due to the extremely high poverty rates in the country: citizens were more concerned about fighting for their lives by ensuring they had sufficient necessities in order to live than they were about fighting for political democracy. Indeed, in 1976 85% of the Bolivian population were living with unsatisfied basic needs[10]. This was caused by constant changes in ruler since 1964 and almost antithetical policies of successive leaders,[11] meaning people could not rely on the government as policies introduced by one party were overturned and directly opposing policies introduced by the next[12]. The people became apathetic to politics as their participation was limited and they knew that military leaders and dictators would not represent their views. No matter which military regime stormed their way to power, they would continue to suffer. When General Renà © Barrientos orchestrated a coup in 1964, the following 18 years in politics saw uninterrupted military rule, and General Hugo Banzers dictatorship between 1971 and 1978 was the longest spanning of the different regimes[13]. This time was filled with unrest and violence: the military regimes did not appreciate criticism or opposition. Things were done how Banzer wanted them to be done and opponents simply disappeared[14]. Clearly this is not democratic since a dictatorship is the exact opposite of democracy and the peoples views are irrelevant in such systems. Banzer did not seek to redistribute wealth and the people were, again, the ones to suffer. They did not want Banzer to be in the position he was, but he forced his way to power and there was nothing a normal citizen could do about it. Even after the end of Banzers rule, extreme political instability meant people distrusted the government. The succeeding governments seemed to forget about the countrys internal problems and focussed so much on international spending and borrowing[15] that the people continued to suffer. It wasnt until 1982 when the country elected Siles as president did the people begin to have a say again and attempts to restore democracy were made. Bolivia remains one of the poorest countries in Latin America[16], generally seen to be a result of the past authoritarian dictators and their regimes creating insurmountable debt. These leaders did not care about the countrys internal affairs and sought to boost international trade at the expense of their people. The people, therefore, suffered undeniably at the hands of these leaders. It is impossible to create democratic political institutions if the leaders do not care about the citizens of the country and seek only to benefit themselves. Bolivia is a prime example of a country who experienced great difficulty in establishing democratic political institutions as the military ruled the country for a long time, and any change in government was not as a result of democratic election but violent coup. The people simply had to accept what was happening in the politics of their country, or risk their lives trying to change it. Conclusion It is clear, then, that establishing democratic political institutions has not been easy in Latin America, specifically in Mexico and Bolivia, for many reasons. From the outset, Mexico had to tackle both international opposition to their ruling of their own country, and internal resistance from caudillos and their supporters, while Bolivia continued to struggle until very recently with dictatorship and extraordinarily high levels of debt preventing development of democracy. Bibliography Atlantic Council, Urbanization in Latin America. (2014)Available at: http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/publications/articles/urbanization-in-latin-america [accessed on 30/11/16] BBC, Mexico Profile- Timeline. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-19828041 [accessed on 30/11/16] BBC, Timeline: Bolivia. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/country_profiles/1218814.stm [accessed on 30/11/16] Ewout, Frankema The Colonial Origins of Inequality: Exploring the Causes and Consequences of Land Distribution in Poverty, Inequality, and Policy in Latin America (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009) pp19-45 Fowler, Will. Latin America Since 1780 (Hodder Education, 2008) Hansen, Edward C. Wolf, Eric R. Caudillo Politics; A Structured Analysis in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Volume 9, Issue 2 (January 1967) pp168-179 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, General statistics on killings and disappearances of union activists. [BOL5479], 11 June 1990. Available at: https://www.ecoi.net/local_link/170859/272293_en.html [accessed on 30/11/16] Lynch, John Caudillos in Spanish America 1800- 1850 (Oxford University Press, 1992) McNeish, John-Andrew, Stones on the Road: The Politics of Participation and the Generation of Crisis in Bolivia in Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 25, No. 2 (Institute of Anthropology, University of Bergen, Norway, 2006) pp. 220-240, Morales, Juan A. Sachs, Jeffrey D Bolivias Economic Crisis in Developing Country Debt and the World Economy (University of Chicago Press, 1989) pp57- 80 Pastor, Manuel Jr. Bolivia: Hyperinflation, Stabilisation and Beyond in Journal of Development Studies, 1991 Republic of Bolivia, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (La Paz, 2001) Sivak, Martin El dictador elegido: biografà ­a no autorizada de Hugo Banzer Suà ¡rez (Plural Editores, 2001) UNICEF, Bolivia. Situation of Poverty in the Country. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/bolivia/english/resources_2332.html [accessed on 30/11/16] [1] Will Fowler, Latin America Since 1780 (Hodder Education, 2008) p34 [2] In 1950 only 40% of the Latin American population lived in urban areas. Atlantic Council, Urbanization in Latin America. (2014)Available at: http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/publications/articles/urbanization-in-latin-america [accessed on 30/11/16] [3] Fowler, Latin America Since 1780 p36 [4] ibid [5] BBC, Mexico Profile- Timeline. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-19828041 [accessed on 30/11/16] [6] Caudillos is most accurately translated as chieftain, deriving from the Latin caput meaning head. See Eric R. Wolf, Edward C. Hansen Caudillo Politics; A Structured Analysis in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Volume 9, Issue 2 (January 1967) pp168-179 at p169 [7] Wolf, Hansen, p170 [8] John Lynch, Caudillos in Spanish America 1800- 1850 (Oxford University Press, 1992) [9] Fowler, Latin America Since 1780 p134 [10] Republic of Bolivia, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (La Paz, 2001) p16 [11] Juan A. Morales, Jeffrey D. Sachs Bolivias Economic Crisis in Developing Country Debt and the World Economy (University of Chicago Press, 1989) pp57- 80, table 3.2 p59 [12] BBC, Timeline: Bolivia. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/country_profiles/1218814.stm [accessed on 30/11/16] [13] Martin Sivak, El dictador elegido: biografà ­a no autorizada de Hugo Banzer Suà ¡rez (Plural Editores, 2001) [14] Exact figures are unknown. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, General statistics on killings and disappearances of union activists. [BOL5479], 11 June 1990. Available at: https://www.ecoi.net/local_link/170859/272293_en.html [accessed on 30/11/16] [15] Manuel Pastor, Jr. Bolivia: Hyperinflation, Stabilisation and Beyond in Journal of Development Studies, 1991. p213 [16] UNICEF, Bolivia. Situation of Poverty in the Country. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/bolivia/english/resources_2332.html [accessed on 30/11/16]

Joseph Conrad’s The Heart of Darkness Essay

Joseph Conrad’s The Heart of Darkness has foreshadowing that adds a lot of suspense throughout the book. Conrad used foreshadowing through minor details that are not clearly stated and are to be interpreted as the book continues. The setting of the book–on a small sailing craft on a river as night falls–and Marlow’s comparison, by implication, of the dark heart of Africa (the Belgian Congo) and the barbarian darkness on the northern fringes of the Roman Empire, both are examples of irony and foreshadowing. In the beginning Marlow is remembering what it may have been like to be a young Roman conqueror exploring through the jungle. He would have had to deal with â€Å"†¦cold, fog, tempests, disease, exile, and death†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Marlow mentions how the soldier would have had a â€Å"fascination of the abomination† . Later in the book this same fascination overcame Kurtz after his long time in the Congo, â€Å"he hates sometimes the idea of being taken away† . Even when Marlow finds Kurtz, he can’t â€Å"break the spell – the heavy mute spell of the wilderness – that seemed to draw him to its pitiless breast by the awakening of forgotten and brutal instincts† When Marlow begins to share his story about an earlier sea voyage, he shares with his fellow mates a story about how one of their captains was killed because of a fight that arose over two black hens. Fresleven, one of the men in the fight, began to beat a native because of his desire for the hen. The native’s son broke up the fight and â€Å"made a tentative jab with a spear at the white man – and of course it went quite easy between the shoulder blades† . Marlow then takes Fresleven’s job as captain of the ship, stepping into his shoes. Later on in the book when Marlow’s ship is under a light attack, his helmsman was speared through the ribs, causing him to die. Blood filled Marlow’s shoes, and he threw them overboard. This is an example of foreshadowing, because Marlow fills Fresleven’s shoes without realizing the full extent of the job. It also an example of irony, because when Fresleven, a nice white man is killed, nobody was shaken, yet when the savage was speared Marlow was full of regret. Another example of irony is that Africa is constantly being described as a dark and gloomy place in the novel, but the Europeans are the ones that actually have the dark hearts. The Africans only get violent because they want to keep their culture alive, and the Europeans are willing to throw that away as long as they earn a profit. The only reason the Europeans wanted to invade Africa was for commercial benefits, and that is dark Another example of foreshadowing is the two women knitting black wool outside the office Marlow visited before he went on his journey. The color black often appears to Marlow when he is headed for trouble.. The women were sitting outside, drawing in unsuspecting youth ready for adventure, yet unaware of the danger ahead. Later in the book when Marlow is following Kurtz into the dark, dangerous forest, he reflects that â€Å"the knitting old women with the cat obtruded herself upon my memory as a most improper person to be sitting at the other end of such an affair† . Conrad used irony and foreshadowing by describing the different scenes in a very dark tone that when looking back at them after certain events happen in the book show the way that specific narration such ,as the lady’s knitting black wool, links to the events following it.

Apush Chapter 9 Study Guide Essay

Lindsay Adams Mrs. Wilkinson APUSH Pd. 5 12 September 2013 Chapter 9 Study Guide 1. How did the revolutionary American ideas of natural human rights, equality & freedom from the governmental tyranny affect developments in the immediate post-Revolutionary period? (1783-1789) Revolutionary American ideas from government tyranny affected development in the post-Revolutionary period by making it impossible for a strong federal government to be created. Since the colonies fought to get out of a federal government, they did not want to create another one, so, congress was forced to make a weak federal government called the Articles of Confederation. It gave no power to the government, but gave all power to the central governments of the colonies. 2. What significant change to the new United States resulted from the revolutionary war? Freedom from England was the primary change of the new United States. The colonies, now called states, were officially independent from Great Britain when the Treaty of Paris was signed in France in 1783. Other alterations included the lack of an executive branch of government, more rights, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and several others. 3. Describe the powers of the national government under the Articles of Confederation. The Articles of Confederation created a one-house legislature as the Confederation’s main institution, making the government a unicameral system of government. In addition, Congress could settle conflicts among the states, issue coins, borrow money, and make treaties with other countries and with Native Americans. Congress could also ask the states for money and soldiers. 4. What were the major weaknesses and strengths of the Articles of Confederation government? Why do some historians call it the â€Å"Critical Period†? The Articles of Confederation was drafted during the years 1776 and 1777, while the colo nists were still fighting for independence, it created a weak national government with most of the governmental powers retained by the states. The Articles provided no separation of branches. There was no president or any other independent executive, nor was there a federal judicial branch. Congress, the legislature, was the only branch of government. Members elected to congress  did not vote as individuals, but as states. While congress did have some powers, it could not enforce its laws on the states or the people. States were permitted to coin their own money. There was no regulation of commerce between the states and states could even enter into treaties with foreign nations and declare war, with the consent of Congress. Congress could not tax the states or the people; it could only request funds to run the government. Since the Revolution created an enormous debt, and there was no way to tax the colonies with such a weak government, the need for a federal government was great. 5. What motivated the â€Å"founding fathers† to call for a convention to modify the Articles? What was the significance of Shay’s Rebellion? The Founding Fathers wanted a new constitution because the current government of the Articles of Confederation was not working due to the balance of powers between state/federal governments and Shay’s rebellion. The document gave state governments too much power and left the federal government helpless in both defending and caring for American interests which led to almost no unification of the states. Th e federal government was powerless to stop Shay’s rebellion and Congress had little power. The Articles of Confederation had no chief executive, Congress had no power to tax citizens directly, no power to draft an army, had no national court system, no power to settle arguments among states, and many more. Shays Rebellion was a rebellion against the Articles of Confederation in 1787. There were many unfair â€Å"laws† that the working class couldn’t fight, there were polling taxes and that made it hard for the working class to vote, there was no common currency so the working class would sometimes be cheated out of money, and it was really hard for them to set prices on their goods. 6. Explain the Virginia Plan, the New Jersey Plan, and the Connecticut Compromise. The NJ plan was an attempt to make the country vote by equal representation where each state would send the same amount of delegates to represent them. The Virginia plan was an attempt to start representation by population where the states would send more or less delegates depending on how big the state was. The CT Compromise/Great Compromise benefitted both large and small states. There was representation in the House based on population and equal representation in the Senate. 7. Explain the 3/5th Compromise. States ideally wanted to have more representation in the House of Representatives, in order to have more voice in the federal government. However, southern states, which refused to give Blacks the slightest of rights (due to the already entrenched ideals of slavery) wanted to make the most of their black populations to achieve greater representation. It was eventually decided (in part because of Southern threats to not join the new nation) that each slave would count as â€Å"3/5 of a person† for representation purposes. 8. Explain the first three articles of the Constitution. Which body of the government was described in each article and how did federal powers under the new Constitution contrast with federal powers under the Articles? The first three articles of the Constitution established all three branches of government and their powers. The first article defines the Legislative Branch, its powers, members, and workings. The second Article of the Constitution that defines the Executive Branch, its powers, duties, and means of removal. The Article of the Constitution that sets up the Judicial Branch and defines treason is the third article. The constitution possessed more federalist ideas, giving more power to the national government rather than the states. 9. Who were the Anti-Federalists, what was their major objection to the Constitution, and why did they lose their struggle to the Federalists? The Anti-Federalists did not want to ratify the Constitution. They argued that it gave too much power to the national government at the expense of the state governments. These were the people of a high class. Because the majority of the states supported the Constitution and anti-federalists wished to remain a union, they accepted the document which was also issued with a bill of rights. 10. Which of the social changes brought about by the Revolution was the most significant? Could the Revolution have gone further toward the principle that â€Å"all men are created equal† by ending slavery or granting women’s rights? Women became more politically involved throughout the revolution although no women’s rights were officially established until later on. Native American relationships with the Americans improved as well. Small opposition against slavery initiated in Pennsylvania. The biggest change was that people felt like they had a voice in their government instead of having birthrights determine who was in charge. Yes; if slavery was abolished and women’s rights were established, that statement could have been more valid. Big Question:  Should the Constitution be seen as a conservative reaction to the Revolution, an enshrinement of revolutionary principles or both? The Constitution should be seen both as a conservative reaction to the Revolution and an enshrinement of revolutionary principles because it reflected conservative principles but also promoted the idea of a strong republicanism. The wealthy were still in power; most of those in Congress were wealthy. The rights of certain people were still limited under the Constitution like women and slaves. However, the government was still based on the consent of the people and government’s power was limited. The system of check and balance is the most original aspect of the Constitution. The re were three branches, the legislative, executive, and judicial and each had its own power as well as an opportunity to check the other branched to assure that no branch abused its power. Key Terms & People: Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom Shay’s Rebellion Articles of Confederation Daniel Shays Old Northwest Patrick Henry Northwest Ordinance Great Compromise Land Ordinance of 1785 The Federalist

To Prosecute or Not To Prosecute Essay - 805 Words

To Prosecute or Not To Prosecute As stated in the Code of Ethics for Nurses (1985), the nurse assumes responsibility and accountability for individual nursing judgments and actions. In other words, the nurse is ultimately responsible for all interventions and aspects of care that he/she gives the patient, whether it is knowledge-based and appropriate, negligent and improper, or even honest human mistakes that at times result in patient deaths. Those honest human mistakes that nurses have the possibility of making and that do result in patient deaths can cause nurses their licenses and even put them in jail. However, should nurses be criminally prosecuted for their mistakes that result in patient deaths? According to Christy Lyon†¦show more content†¦Then the district attorney stepped in and submitted the case to a grand jury, which indicted all three nurses for criminally negligent homicide. Under Colorado state law, criminal negligence occurs when there is a gross deviation from the standard of care that a reasonable person would exercise and when that person fails to perceive a substantial and unjustifiable risk that a result will occur or that a circumstance exists. Recently, the nurse practitioner and staff nurse accepted a plea arrangement that keeps their records clear of negligent homicide charges if they stay out of legal trouble for two years, and the jury acquitted the primary nurse. Advocates of criminal charges say nurses should be held accountable for their actions. They argue that charging nurses protects the public from future harm. Robert Grant, the district attorney of Colorado, states that the board of nursing has nothing to do with public accountability and that his office deals with criminal standards, not professional standards. 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